American Antiquarian Society
The American Antiquarian Society (AAS), located in Worcester, Massachusetts, is both a learned society and national research library of pre-twentieth century American History and culture. AAS was founded in 1812 as the third oldest historical society and the first to be national in scope.
Mission
To collect, preserve and make available for study all printed records of what is now known as the United States of America
Learned society programs
For professional scholars, pre-collegiate, undergraduate and graduate students, educators, professional artists, writers, genealogists, and the general public.
Library collection
Three million plus books, pamphlets, newspapers, periodicals, graphic arts materials and manuscripts
Two of the three books of the total books known to have been printed in what is now the United States from the establishment of the first press in 1640 to 1820.
Books from all fifty U.S. states, most of Canada and the British West Indies are included in their preeminent repository.
External links
American Antiquarian Society Homepage
Thursday, December 6, 2007
Antiquarian
Antiquarian
An antiquarian or antiquary is one concerned with antiquities or things of the past. Also, and most often in modern usage, an antiquarian is a person who deals with or collects rare and ancient "antiquarian books". More narrowly, the term is often used for those who studied history with special attention to "antiques", meaning ancient objects of art or science as physical traces of the past. Antiquarianism is usually considered to have emerged in the 16th century; by the 19th century it had become transformed and bifurcated into the academic disciplines of archaeology and philology.
The Society of Antiquaries of London was formed in the 18th century to promote the study of antiquities. As early as 1572 a society had been founded by Bishop Matthew Parker, Sir Robert Cotton, William Camden and others for the preservation of national antiquities. This body existed till 1604, when it fell under suspicion of being political in its aims, and was abolished by King James I. Papers read at their meetings are preserved in the Cottonian library and were printed by Thomas Hearne in 1720 under the title A Collection of Curious Discourses, a second edition appearing in 1771.
In 1707 a number of English antiquaries began to hold regular meetings for the discussion of their hobby and in 1717 the Society of Antiquaries was formally reconstituted, finally receiving a charter from King George II in 1751. In 1780 King George III granted the society apartments in Somerset House in The Strand. The society was governed by a council of twenty and a president who is ex officio a trustee of the British Museum.
The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland was founded in 1780 and had the management of a large national antiquarian museum in Edinburgh. In Ireland a society was founded in 1849 called the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, holding its meetings at Kilkenny. In 1869 its name was changed to the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, and in 1890 to the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, its office being transferred to Dublin. In France La Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France was formed in 1814 by the reconstruction of the Acadêmie Celtique, which had existed since 1805. The American Antiquarian Society was founded in 1812, with its headquarters at Worcester, Massachusetts. It had a library of upwards of 100,000 volumes and its transactions have been published bi-annually since 1820. In Germany the Gesamtverein der Deutschen Geschichtsund Altertumsvereine was founded in 1852. La Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord at Copenhagen was among the best known of European antiquarian societies.
In his essay Untimely Meditations, philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche examines three forms of history. One of these is Antiquarian History, a form of history aimed at creating a feeling of connection to one's history. Nietzsche's philosophy of history had a significant impact on critical history in the 20th century.
Some antiquarians
Patrick Abercromby
John Aubrey
Sir James Balfour
Thomas Baker
John Bale
John Battely
George Buck
William Camden
Robert Crowley
Abraham de la Pryme
Rev. Dr. Henry Duncan
John Foxe
Richard Grafton
Anthony Charles Harris
Robert Stephen Hawker
Montague Rhodes James
John Leland – appointed Royal Antiquarian to King Henry VIII
Edward Lhuyd in 1533
H. P. Lovecraft
Herman H. J. Lynge
Dubhaltach MacFhirbhisigh
Bill Morton
Philip Norman
Peregrine O'Duignan
Ruaidhri O Flaithbheartaigh
Dorning Rasbotham
Fred Rosenstock
William Forbes Skene
John Stow
George Vertue
Olaus Wormius
Thomas Wright
See also
Historian
Cabinet of curiousities
The Antiquary by Sir Walter Scott
External links
American Antiquarian Society
Antiquarian Book News
An antiquarian or antiquary is one concerned with antiquities or things of the past. Also, and most often in modern usage, an antiquarian is a person who deals with or collects rare and ancient "antiquarian books". More narrowly, the term is often used for those who studied history with special attention to "antiques", meaning ancient objects of art or science as physical traces of the past. Antiquarianism is usually considered to have emerged in the 16th century; by the 19th century it had become transformed and bifurcated into the academic disciplines of archaeology and philology.
The Society of Antiquaries of London was formed in the 18th century to promote the study of antiquities. As early as 1572 a society had been founded by Bishop Matthew Parker, Sir Robert Cotton, William Camden and others for the preservation of national antiquities. This body existed till 1604, when it fell under suspicion of being political in its aims, and was abolished by King James I. Papers read at their meetings are preserved in the Cottonian library and were printed by Thomas Hearne in 1720 under the title A Collection of Curious Discourses, a second edition appearing in 1771.
In 1707 a number of English antiquaries began to hold regular meetings for the discussion of their hobby and in 1717 the Society of Antiquaries was formally reconstituted, finally receiving a charter from King George II in 1751. In 1780 King George III granted the society apartments in Somerset House in The Strand. The society was governed by a council of twenty and a president who is ex officio a trustee of the British Museum.
The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland was founded in 1780 and had the management of a large national antiquarian museum in Edinburgh. In Ireland a society was founded in 1849 called the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, holding its meetings at Kilkenny. In 1869 its name was changed to the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, and in 1890 to the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, its office being transferred to Dublin. In France La Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France was formed in 1814 by the reconstruction of the Acadêmie Celtique, which had existed since 1805. The American Antiquarian Society was founded in 1812, with its headquarters at Worcester, Massachusetts. It had a library of upwards of 100,000 volumes and its transactions have been published bi-annually since 1820. In Germany the Gesamtverein der Deutschen Geschichtsund Altertumsvereine was founded in 1852. La Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord at Copenhagen was among the best known of European antiquarian societies.
In his essay Untimely Meditations, philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche examines three forms of history. One of these is Antiquarian History, a form of history aimed at creating a feeling of connection to one's history. Nietzsche's philosophy of history had a significant impact on critical history in the 20th century.
Some antiquarians
Patrick Abercromby
John Aubrey
Sir James Balfour
Thomas Baker
John Bale
John Battely
George Buck
William Camden
Robert Crowley
Abraham de la Pryme
Rev. Dr. Henry Duncan
John Foxe
Richard Grafton
Anthony Charles Harris
Robert Stephen Hawker
Montague Rhodes James
John Leland – appointed Royal Antiquarian to King Henry VIII
Edward Lhuyd in 1533
H. P. Lovecraft
Herman H. J. Lynge
Dubhaltach MacFhirbhisigh
Bill Morton
Philip Norman
Peregrine O'Duignan
Ruaidhri O Flaithbheartaigh
Dorning Rasbotham
Fred Rosenstock
William Forbes Skene
John Stow
George Vertue
Olaus Wormius
Thomas Wright
See also
Historian
Cabinet of curiousities
The Antiquary by Sir Walter Scott
External links
American Antiquarian Society
Antiquarian Book News
Landmarks Preservation Council of Illinois
Landmarks Preservation Council of Illinois
The Landmarks Preservation Council of Illinois is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1971 to prevent the demolition of the Dankmar Adler and Louis Sullivan designed Chicago Stock Exchange Building. Although this effort failed the organization has grown to become a 2000 member statewide voice for historic preservation.
The founding mission was "to stop the demolition of significant buildings in downtown Chicago." The LPCI has broadened its scope and geography "to embrace architecturally and historically significant archeological sites, structures, and historic districts in all the cities, towns and rural areas of Illinois." Today LPCI holds conservation easements on 341 properties. Among the historic buildings they have saved are The Marquette Building and The Reliance Building.
External links
Official Website
The Landmarks Preservation Council of Illinois is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1971 to prevent the demolition of the Dankmar Adler and Louis Sullivan designed Chicago Stock Exchange Building. Although this effort failed the organization has grown to become a 2000 member statewide voice for historic preservation.
The founding mission was "to stop the demolition of significant buildings in downtown Chicago." The LPCI has broadened its scope and geography "to embrace architecturally and historically significant archeological sites, structures, and historic districts in all the cities, towns and rural areas of Illinois." Today LPCI holds conservation easements on 341 properties. Among the historic buildings they have saved are The Marquette Building and The Reliance Building.
External links
Official Website
Emil Bach House
Emil Bach House
The Emil Bach House is a Prairie style house in the Rogers Park neighborhood of Chicago, Illinois, United States that was designed by famous architect Frank Lloyd Wright. The house was built in 1915 for an admirer of Wright's work, Emil Bach. Bach was co-owner of the Bach Brick Company. The house is representative of Wright's late Prairie style and is an expression of his creativity from a period just before his work shifted stylistic focus. The Bach House was declared a Chicago Landmark on September 28, 1977, and was added to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places on January 23, 1979.[1]
History
On December 5, 1914, Emil Bach and his wife Anna purchased the site of the Bach House from Amelia Ludwick and her husband. In 1915 Bach commissioned Frank Lloyd Wright to design the house. Joseph Peacock purchased the house from the Bachs in 1934 and owned it until 1947. The property changed hands twice in 1951; the final sale was in December to Manuel Weiss who held the property until 1959. That year he sold the house to Joseph Blinder.[2]
In 2003, Toulabi put the home up for sale with a price of US$2.5 million, it was later listed at $1.9 million.[3] The house lingered on the market for months before it was finally put up for auction with a starting bid of $750,000, less than a third of the original asking price. Factors contributing to the slow market for the Wright designed landmark included the restrictive nature of local landmark ordinances which prevent owners from making significant alterations without prior approval.[4] The Rogers Park neighborhood changed from a once quiet lake front, country area to a busy street, which also contributed to the sluggish demand for the house.[4]
Preservationists expressed concern surrounding the auction and the question of the final destiny for the expansive 45 ft (13.72 m) by 150 ft (45.72 m) side yard.[3][5] The yard is zoned "RT-4" which, among other residential uses, allowed bidders the option to develop high rise apartments or condominiums.[6][3] When the home finally sold at auction, "well above the opening bid of $750,000," the new owners revealed that they intended to live in the house and preserve the yard.[5]
Architecture
The Bach House is one of the homes Wright designed after his 1911 return from Europe still extant in the city of Chicago. The home is part of a series of geometric, cubic homes with overhanging, flat roofs designed by Wright in the early 20th century. The first was the Laura Gale House in Oak Park, Illinois, followed by the Oscar Balch House, also in Oak Park, Coonley Kindergarten, the Bogh House and then the Bach House.[7] Of the houses of this type in Chicago, with cubic masses and a slab roof, the Bach House is the only one left standing.
The 2,700 ft² (250.84 m²) house was designed as a two-story single family residence with a basement.[3][7] When the house was constructed it was a "country home" with a clear view of Lake Michigan from its rear (east) facade.[4][7] Due to the changing nature of the Rogers Park neighborhood, the house now stands among commercial properties and apartment buildings on a busy city street (North Sheridan Road).[4] Because of the lake view, the original building had a large rear porch and sun deck; they were both enclosed when houses were built between the Bach House and the lake, obstructing the view. The enclosure of the sun deck and porch utilized mainly glass, to aid in the alteration's melding with Wright's intended vision. Other alterations included the removal of some of Wright's signature built-in features. A built-in seat was removed from the living room and a built-in counter removed in the dining room. On the second floor, the servant's room was converted into a second bathroom.[7]
Significance
The Bach House is an example of Frank Lloyd Wright's late Prairie style and was designed in the period just prior to his transition to a more expressionist, Japanese influenced aesthetic.[7] The home's individuality, coupled with its high artistic merit, and famous architect, make it significant historically and culturally.[7] The city of Chicago declared the structure a Chicago Landmark on September 28, 1977, and on January 23, 1979, it was added to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places.[8][1]
The Bach House is on prime Chicago real estate, one block from Lake Michigan.[9] The neighborhood has been an area where developers bought property with the intent of building high-rise apartment and condominium buildings.[9] According to experts such as Ronald Scherubel, the executive director of the Frank Lloyd Wright Building Conservancy in Chicago, a historic preservation easement has likely been the only thing that has prevented demolition of the Bach House. The easement prohibits the destruction or alteration of the house without approval from the city and the Landmarks Preservation Council of Illinois.[9]
The Emil Bach House is a Prairie style house in the Rogers Park neighborhood of Chicago, Illinois, United States that was designed by famous architect Frank Lloyd Wright. The house was built in 1915 for an admirer of Wright's work, Emil Bach. Bach was co-owner of the Bach Brick Company. The house is representative of Wright's late Prairie style and is an expression of his creativity from a period just before his work shifted stylistic focus. The Bach House was declared a Chicago Landmark on September 28, 1977, and was added to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places on January 23, 1979.[1]
History
On December 5, 1914, Emil Bach and his wife Anna purchased the site of the Bach House from Amelia Ludwick and her husband. In 1915 Bach commissioned Frank Lloyd Wright to design the house. Joseph Peacock purchased the house from the Bachs in 1934 and owned it until 1947. The property changed hands twice in 1951; the final sale was in December to Manuel Weiss who held the property until 1959. That year he sold the house to Joseph Blinder.[2]
In 2003, Toulabi put the home up for sale with a price of US$2.5 million, it was later listed at $1.9 million.[3] The house lingered on the market for months before it was finally put up for auction with a starting bid of $750,000, less than a third of the original asking price. Factors contributing to the slow market for the Wright designed landmark included the restrictive nature of local landmark ordinances which prevent owners from making significant alterations without prior approval.[4] The Rogers Park neighborhood changed from a once quiet lake front, country area to a busy street, which also contributed to the sluggish demand for the house.[4]
Preservationists expressed concern surrounding the auction and the question of the final destiny for the expansive 45 ft (13.72 m) by 150 ft (45.72 m) side yard.[3][5] The yard is zoned "RT-4" which, among other residential uses, allowed bidders the option to develop high rise apartments or condominiums.[6][3] When the home finally sold at auction, "well above the opening bid of $750,000," the new owners revealed that they intended to live in the house and preserve the yard.[5]
Architecture
The Bach House is one of the homes Wright designed after his 1911 return from Europe still extant in the city of Chicago. The home is part of a series of geometric, cubic homes with overhanging, flat roofs designed by Wright in the early 20th century. The first was the Laura Gale House in Oak Park, Illinois, followed by the Oscar Balch House, also in Oak Park, Coonley Kindergarten, the Bogh House and then the Bach House.[7] Of the houses of this type in Chicago, with cubic masses and a slab roof, the Bach House is the only one left standing.
The 2,700 ft² (250.84 m²) house was designed as a two-story single family residence with a basement.[3][7] When the house was constructed it was a "country home" with a clear view of Lake Michigan from its rear (east) facade.[4][7] Due to the changing nature of the Rogers Park neighborhood, the house now stands among commercial properties and apartment buildings on a busy city street (North Sheridan Road).[4] Because of the lake view, the original building had a large rear porch and sun deck; they were both enclosed when houses were built between the Bach House and the lake, obstructing the view. The enclosure of the sun deck and porch utilized mainly glass, to aid in the alteration's melding with Wright's intended vision. Other alterations included the removal of some of Wright's signature built-in features. A built-in seat was removed from the living room and a built-in counter removed in the dining room. On the second floor, the servant's room was converted into a second bathroom.[7]
Significance
The Bach House is an example of Frank Lloyd Wright's late Prairie style and was designed in the period just prior to his transition to a more expressionist, Japanese influenced aesthetic.[7] The home's individuality, coupled with its high artistic merit, and famous architect, make it significant historically and culturally.[7] The city of Chicago declared the structure a Chicago Landmark on September 28, 1977, and on January 23, 1979, it was added to the U.S. National Register of Historic Places.[8][1]
The Bach House is on prime Chicago real estate, one block from Lake Michigan.[9] The neighborhood has been an area where developers bought property with the intent of building high-rise apartment and condominium buildings.[9] According to experts such as Ronald Scherubel, the executive director of the Frank Lloyd Wright Building Conservancy in Chicago, a historic preservation easement has likely been the only thing that has prevented demolition of the Bach House. The easement prohibits the destruction or alteration of the house without approval from the city and the Landmarks Preservation Council of Illinois.[9]
Patronage
Patronage
Patronage is the support, encouragement, privilege and often financial aid given by a person or an organization. It can also refer to the right of bestowing offices or church benefices, the business given by a regular customer, and the guardianship of saints.
In some countries the term is often used to describe the corrupt use of state resources to advance the interests of groups, families, ethnicities or races in exchange for electoral support. These patronage systems have different characteristics depending on the area in which they are practiced.
The arts
From the ancient world onward patronage of the arts was important in art history. It is known in greatest detail in reference to pre-modern medieval and Renaissance Europe, though patronage can also be traced in feudal Japan, the traditional Southeast Asian kingdoms, and elsewhere—art patronage tended to arise wherever a royal or imperial system and an aristocracy dominated a society and controlled a significant share of resources. Rulers, nobles, and very wealthy people used patronage of the arts to endorse their political ambitions, social positions, and prestige. That is, patrons operated as sponsors. Some languages still use the term mecenate, derived from the name of Gaius Maecenas, generous friend and adviser to the Roman Emperor Augustus. Some patrons, such as the Medici of Florence, used artistic patronage to "cleanse" wealth that was perceived as ill-gotten through usury. Art patronage was especially important in the creation of religious art. The Roman Catholic Church and later Protestant groups sponsored art and architecture, as seen in churchs, cathedrals, painting, sculpture, and handicrafts.
While sponsorship of artists and the commissioning of artwork is the best-known aspect of the patronage system, other disciplines also benefitted from patronage including those who studied natural philosophy (pre-modern science), musicians, writers, philosophers, alchemists, astrologers, and other scholars. Artists as diverse and important as Chrétien de Troyes, Leonardo de Vinci and Michelangelo, William Shakespeare, and Ben Jonson all sought and enjoyed the support of noble or ecclesiastical patrons.[1][2] Figures as late as Mozart and Beethoven also participated in the system to some degree; it was only with the rise of bourgeois and capitalist social forms in the 19th century that European culture moved away from its patronage system to the more publicly-supported system of museums, theatres, mass audiences and mass consumption that is familiar in the contemporary world.
This kind of system continues across many fields of the arts. Though the nature of the sponsors has changed—from churches to charitable foundations, and from aristocrats to plutocrats—the term patronage has a more neutral connotation than in politics. It may simply refer to direct support (often financial) of an artist, for example by grants.
In the later part of the 20th century the academic sub-discipline of patronage studies began to evolve, in recognition of the important and often neglected role that the phenomenon of patronage had played in the cultural life of previous centuries.
Politics
Political leaders often have at their disposal a great deal of patronage, in the sense that they make decisions on the appointment of officials inside and outside government (for example on quangos). Patronage is therefore a recognized power of the executive branch. In most countries the executive has the right to make many appointments, some of which may be lucrative (see also sinecures). In some democracies, high-level appointments are reviewed or approved by the legislature (as in the advice and consent of the United States Senate); in other countries, such as those using the Westminster system, this is not the case.
In politics, patronage more narrowly defined is the practice by holders of political office of appointing their followers or fellow party members to positions. For example, those could be high-level posts such as ambassadorships, or lower-level civil service posts. Even blue-collar jobs on the government payroll may be sought after. Such overt political patronage is seen as a tool for rewarding and enforcing loyalty; loyalty is the criterion for selecting a person rather than more merit. The selection process may be seen as questionable.
Patronage can consequently be seen as one of the possible major deficiencies of a system of excess bureaucracy, defined as a system with a weak bureaucratic structure, the availability of large public resources to the patron, and that these public resources be easily divisible in order to target specific groups and individuals. Nepotism and cronyism are more specific types of patronage.
Patronage in the United States
In the United States during the Gilded Age, patronage became a central issue.
Republican Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York became a powerful political figure by determining who in the party would be given certain lucrative positions. Conkling and his supporters were known as Stalwarts. The Republican reformers who opposed patronage and advocated a civil service system were known as Mugwumps—their lack of party loyalty seen as having their "mug" on one side of the fence, their "wump" on the other. Between the two were the Halfbreeds, who were less patronage-oriented than the Stalwarts, but not as reform-minded as the Mugwumps.[3]
When James Garfield became president, he appointed Halfbreeds to most offices (despite the appointment of Stalwart Chester A. Arthur to the role of Vice President, which represented a compromise within the Republican Party). This provoked the ire of the Stalwarts. Charles J. Guiteau, a Stalwart, assassinated Garfield in 1881, six months after he became President.
To prevent further political violence and to assuage public outrage, Congress passed the Pendleton Act in 1883, which set up the Civil Service Commission. Henceforth, applicants for most federal government jobs would have to pass an examination. Federal politicians' influence over bureaucratic appointments waned, and patronage declined as a national political issue.
Patronage reached its pinnacle under the guidance of Postmaster General James Farley during the "New Deal" administration of Franklin Roosevelt, and was considered the driving force behind the administrations social welfare and infrastructure policies, including the expansion of the Postal Department and WPA programs.
Charity
Charitable and other non-profit making organisations often seek an influential figurehead to act as patron. The relationship often does not involve money. As well as conferring credibility, these people can instead use their contacts and charisma to assist the organisation to raise funds or to affect government policy. The British Royal Family are especially prolific in this respect, devoting a large proportion of their time to a wide range of causes.
Commercial
Sometimes consumers support smaller or local businesses or corporations out of loyalty even if other cheaper options exist. Their regular custom is referred to as 'patronage'.
Sports
In the same manner as commercial patronage, those who attend a sporting event may be referred to as patrons, though the usage in much of the world is now considered archaic — with one notable exception. Those who attend The Masters Tournament, one of the four major championship of professional golf, are still traditionally referred to as "patrons," largely at the insistence of the Augusta National Golf Club. This insistence is occasionally made fun of by sportswriters and other media. [4] More famously, CBS, which broadcasts the tournament, ran afoul of Augusta National management when Jack Whitaker referred to the patrons as a "mob" during a playoff between Billy Casper and Gene Littler. Augusta co-founder Clifford Roberts had Whitaker banned from commentary duties in following years, though he was restored to work years later to replace another commentator who had fallen ill. [5]
In polo, a "patron" is a person who puts together a team by hiring one or more professionals. The rest of the team may be amateurs, often including the patron himself (or, increasingly, herself). Some patrons are extremely skillful and serious players; others are more lighthearted and in it just for the fun.
Patronage is the support, encouragement, privilege and often financial aid given by a person or an organization. It can also refer to the right of bestowing offices or church benefices, the business given by a regular customer, and the guardianship of saints.
In some countries the term is often used to describe the corrupt use of state resources to advance the interests of groups, families, ethnicities or races in exchange for electoral support. These patronage systems have different characteristics depending on the area in which they are practiced.
The arts
From the ancient world onward patronage of the arts was important in art history. It is known in greatest detail in reference to pre-modern medieval and Renaissance Europe, though patronage can also be traced in feudal Japan, the traditional Southeast Asian kingdoms, and elsewhere—art patronage tended to arise wherever a royal or imperial system and an aristocracy dominated a society and controlled a significant share of resources. Rulers, nobles, and very wealthy people used patronage of the arts to endorse their political ambitions, social positions, and prestige. That is, patrons operated as sponsors. Some languages still use the term mecenate, derived from the name of Gaius Maecenas, generous friend and adviser to the Roman Emperor Augustus. Some patrons, such as the Medici of Florence, used artistic patronage to "cleanse" wealth that was perceived as ill-gotten through usury. Art patronage was especially important in the creation of religious art. The Roman Catholic Church and later Protestant groups sponsored art and architecture, as seen in churchs, cathedrals, painting, sculpture, and handicrafts.
While sponsorship of artists and the commissioning of artwork is the best-known aspect of the patronage system, other disciplines also benefitted from patronage including those who studied natural philosophy (pre-modern science), musicians, writers, philosophers, alchemists, astrologers, and other scholars. Artists as diverse and important as Chrétien de Troyes, Leonardo de Vinci and Michelangelo, William Shakespeare, and Ben Jonson all sought and enjoyed the support of noble or ecclesiastical patrons.[1][2] Figures as late as Mozart and Beethoven also participated in the system to some degree; it was only with the rise of bourgeois and capitalist social forms in the 19th century that European culture moved away from its patronage system to the more publicly-supported system of museums, theatres, mass audiences and mass consumption that is familiar in the contemporary world.
This kind of system continues across many fields of the arts. Though the nature of the sponsors has changed—from churches to charitable foundations, and from aristocrats to plutocrats—the term patronage has a more neutral connotation than in politics. It may simply refer to direct support (often financial) of an artist, for example by grants.
In the later part of the 20th century the academic sub-discipline of patronage studies began to evolve, in recognition of the important and often neglected role that the phenomenon of patronage had played in the cultural life of previous centuries.
Politics
Political leaders often have at their disposal a great deal of patronage, in the sense that they make decisions on the appointment of officials inside and outside government (for example on quangos). Patronage is therefore a recognized power of the executive branch. In most countries the executive has the right to make many appointments, some of which may be lucrative (see also sinecures). In some democracies, high-level appointments are reviewed or approved by the legislature (as in the advice and consent of the United States Senate); in other countries, such as those using the Westminster system, this is not the case.
In politics, patronage more narrowly defined is the practice by holders of political office of appointing their followers or fellow party members to positions. For example, those could be high-level posts such as ambassadorships, or lower-level civil service posts. Even blue-collar jobs on the government payroll may be sought after. Such overt political patronage is seen as a tool for rewarding and enforcing loyalty; loyalty is the criterion for selecting a person rather than more merit. The selection process may be seen as questionable.
Patronage can consequently be seen as one of the possible major deficiencies of a system of excess bureaucracy, defined as a system with a weak bureaucratic structure, the availability of large public resources to the patron, and that these public resources be easily divisible in order to target specific groups and individuals. Nepotism and cronyism are more specific types of patronage.
Patronage in the United States
In the United States during the Gilded Age, patronage became a central issue.
Republican Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York became a powerful political figure by determining who in the party would be given certain lucrative positions. Conkling and his supporters were known as Stalwarts. The Republican reformers who opposed patronage and advocated a civil service system were known as Mugwumps—their lack of party loyalty seen as having their "mug" on one side of the fence, their "wump" on the other. Between the two were the Halfbreeds, who were less patronage-oriented than the Stalwarts, but not as reform-minded as the Mugwumps.[3]
When James Garfield became president, he appointed Halfbreeds to most offices (despite the appointment of Stalwart Chester A. Arthur to the role of Vice President, which represented a compromise within the Republican Party). This provoked the ire of the Stalwarts. Charles J. Guiteau, a Stalwart, assassinated Garfield in 1881, six months after he became President.
To prevent further political violence and to assuage public outrage, Congress passed the Pendleton Act in 1883, which set up the Civil Service Commission. Henceforth, applicants for most federal government jobs would have to pass an examination. Federal politicians' influence over bureaucratic appointments waned, and patronage declined as a national political issue.
Patronage reached its pinnacle under the guidance of Postmaster General James Farley during the "New Deal" administration of Franklin Roosevelt, and was considered the driving force behind the administrations social welfare and infrastructure policies, including the expansion of the Postal Department and WPA programs.
Charity
Charitable and other non-profit making organisations often seek an influential figurehead to act as patron. The relationship often does not involve money. As well as conferring credibility, these people can instead use their contacts and charisma to assist the organisation to raise funds or to affect government policy. The British Royal Family are especially prolific in this respect, devoting a large proportion of their time to a wide range of causes.
Commercial
Sometimes consumers support smaller or local businesses or corporations out of loyalty even if other cheaper options exist. Their regular custom is referred to as 'patronage'.
Sports
In the same manner as commercial patronage, those who attend a sporting event may be referred to as patrons, though the usage in much of the world is now considered archaic — with one notable exception. Those who attend The Masters Tournament, one of the four major championship of professional golf, are still traditionally referred to as "patrons," largely at the insistence of the Augusta National Golf Club. This insistence is occasionally made fun of by sportswriters and other media. [4] More famously, CBS, which broadcasts the tournament, ran afoul of Augusta National management when Jack Whitaker referred to the patrons as a "mob" during a playoff between Billy Casper and Gene Littler. Augusta co-founder Clifford Roberts had Whitaker banned from commentary duties in following years, though he was restored to work years later to replace another commentator who had fallen ill. [5]
In polo, a "patron" is a person who puts together a team by hiring one or more professionals. The rest of the team may be amateurs, often including the patron himself (or, increasingly, herself). Some patrons are extremely skillful and serious players; others are more lighthearted and in it just for the fun.
Labels:
cronyism,
Gilded Age,
Nepotism,
patronage,
patronage studies,
politics,
Westminster system
Zoning
Zoning
Zoning is a term used in urban planning for a system of land-use regulation in various parts of the world, including North America, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The word is derived from the practice of designating permitted uses of land based on mapped zones which separate one set of land uses from another.
Scope
Theoretically, the primary purpose of zoning is to segregate uses that are thought to be incompatible; in practice, zoning is used as a permitting system to prevent new development from harming existing residents or businesses. Zoning is commonly controlled by local governments such as counties or municipalities, though the nature of the zoning regime may be determined by state or national planning authorities. In Australia, land under the control of the Commonwealth (Federal) government is not subject to state planning controls.
Zoning may include regulation of the kinds of activities which will be acceptable on particular lots (such as open space, residential, agricultural, commercial or industrial), the densities at which those activities can be performed (from low-density housing such as single family homes to high-density such as high-rise apartment buildings), the height of buildings, the amount of space structures may occupy, the location of a building on the lot (setbacks), the proportions of the types of space on a lot (for example, how much landscaped space and how much paved space), and how much parking must be provided. The details of how individual planning systems incorporate zoning into their regulatory regimes varies though the intention is always similar.
For example, in the state of Victoria, Australia, land use zones are combined with a system of planning scheme overlays to account for the multiplicity of factors that impact on desirable urban outcomes in any location.
Most zoning systems have a procedure for granting variances (exceptions to the zoning rules), usually because of some perceived hardship caused by the particular nature of the property in question.
Types of residential zones would be R1 for single-family homes, R2 for two-family homes, and R3 for multiple-family homes.
Types
Zoning codes have evolved over the years as urban planning theory has changed, legal constraints have fluctuated, and political priorities have shifted.[1] The various approaches to zoning can be divided into four broad categories: Euclidean, Performance, Incentive, and Design-based.
Euclidean
Named for the type of zoning code adopted in the town of Euclid, Ohio, Euclidean zoning codes are by far the most prevalent in the United States, used extensively in small towns and large cities alike. Also known as "Building Block" zoning, Euclidean zoning is characterized by the segregation of land uses into specified geographic districts and dimensional standards stipulating limitations on the magnitude of development activity that is allowed to take place on lots within each type of district. Typical types of land-use districts in Euclidean zoning are: residential (single-family), residential (multi-family), commercial, and industrial.
Uses within each district are usually heavily prescribed to exclude other types of uses (residential districts typically disallow commercial or industrial uses). Some "accessory" or "conditional" uses may be allowed in order to accommodate the needs of the primary uses. Dimensional standards apply to any structures built on lots within each zoning district, and typically take the form of setbacks, height limits, minimum lot sizes, lot coverage limits, and other limitations on the building envelope.
Euclidean zoning is utilized by some municipalities because of its relative effectiveness, ease of implementation (one set of explicit, prescriptive rules), long-established legal precedent, and familiarity to planners and design professionals.
However, Euclidean zoning has received heavy criticism for its lack of flexibility and institutionalization of now-outdated planning theory (see below).
Performance
Also known as "Effects-based planning", Performance Zoning uses performance-based or goal-oriented criteria to establish review parameters for proposed development projects in any area of a municipality. Performance zoning often utilizes a "points-based" system whereby a property developer can apply credits toward meeting established zoning goals through selecting from a 'menu' of compliance options (some examples include: mitigation of environmental impacts, providing public amenities, building affordable housing units, etc.). Additional discretionary criteria may also be established as part of the review process.
The appeal of Performance Zoning lies in its high level of flexibility, rationality, transparency and accountability. Performance Zoning avoids the arbitrary nature of the Euclidian approach, and better accommodates market principles and private property rights with environmental protection. However, performance zoning can be extremely difficult to implement and can require a high level of discretionary activity on the part of the supervising authority.
Incentive
First implemented in Chicago and New York City, incentive zoning is intended to provide a reward-based system to encourage development that meets established urban development goals. Typically, a base level of prescriptive limitations on development will be established and an extensive list of incentive criteria will be established for developers to adopt or not at their discretion. A reward scale connected to the incentive criteria provides an enticement for developers to incorporate the desired development criteria into their projects.
Common examples include FAR (floor-area-ratio) bonuses for affordable housing provided on-site and height limit bonuses for the inclusion of public amenities on-site.
Incentive zoning allows for a high degree of flexibility, but can be complex to administer. The more a proposed development takes advantage of incentive criteria, the more closely it has to be reviewed on a discretionary basis. The initial creation of the incentive structure in order to best serve planning priorities can also be challenging and often requires extensive ongoing revision to maintain balance between incentive magnitude and value given to developers.
Form-based
Form-based zoning relies on rules applied to development sites according to both prescriptive and potentially discretionary criteria. These criteria are typically dependent on lot size, location, proximity, and other various site- and use-specific characteristics.
Design-based codes offer considerably more flexibility in building uses than do Euclidean codes, but, as they are comparatively new, may be more challenging to create. When form-based codes do not contain appropriate illustrations and diagrams, they have been criticized as being difficult to interpret.
One example of a recently adopted code with design-based features is the Land Development Code adopted by Louisville, Kentucky in 2003. This zoning code creates "form districts" for Louisville Metro. Each form district intends to recognize that some areas of the city are more suburban in nature, while others are more urban. Building setbacks, heights, and design features vary according to the form district. As an example, in a "traditional neighborhood" form district, a maximum setback might be 15 feet from the property line, while in a suburban "neighborhood" there may be no maximum setback.
Zoning in USA
Zoning regulations fall under the police power rights state governments may exercise over private real property.
Origins and history
Special laws and regulations were long made, restricting the places where particular businesses should be carried on. In the 1860s a specific State statute prohibited all commercial activities along Eastern Parkway (Brooklyn), setting a trend for future decades.
In 1916, New York City adopted the first zoning regulations to apply city-wide as a reaction to construction of The Equitable Building (which still stands at 120 Broadway). The building towered over the neighboring residences, completely covering all available land area within the property boundary, blocking windows of neighboring buildings and diminishing the availability of sunshine for the people in the affected area. These laws, written by a commission headed by Edward Bassett and signed by Mayor John Purroy Mitchel, became the blueprint for zoning in the rest of the country, partly because Bassett headed the group of planning lawyers which wrote The Standard State Zoning Enabling Act that was accepted almost without change by most states. The effect of these zoning regulations on the shape of skyscrapers was famously illustrated by architect and illustrator Hugh Ferriss.
The constitutionality of zoning ordinances was upheld in 1926. The zoning ordinance of Euclid, Ohio was challenged in court by a local land owner on the basis that restricting use of property violated the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Though initially ruled unconstitutional by lower courts, the zoning ordinance was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.[3].
By the late 1920s most of the nation had developed a set of zoning regulations that met the needs of the locality.
New York City went on to develop ever more complex set of zoning regulations, including floor-area ratio regulations, air rights and others according to the density-specific needs of the neighborhoods.
Among large populated cities in the United States, Houston is unique in having no zoning ordinances. Houston voters have rejected efforts to implement zoning in 1948, 1962 and 1993.
See also
Activity centre
Context theory
Form-based codes
Inclusionary zoning
Mixed-use development
New urbanism
Nonconforming Use
Planning permission
Spot zoning
Police power
Principles of Intelligent Urbanism
Reverse sensitivity
Road
Statutory planning
Subdivision (land)
Traffic
Variance (land use)
NIMBY
Zoning is a term used in urban planning for a system of land-use regulation in various parts of the world, including North America, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The word is derived from the practice of designating permitted uses of land based on mapped zones which separate one set of land uses from another.
Scope
Theoretically, the primary purpose of zoning is to segregate uses that are thought to be incompatible; in practice, zoning is used as a permitting system to prevent new development from harming existing residents or businesses. Zoning is commonly controlled by local governments such as counties or municipalities, though the nature of the zoning regime may be determined by state or national planning authorities. In Australia, land under the control of the Commonwealth (Federal) government is not subject to state planning controls.
Zoning may include regulation of the kinds of activities which will be acceptable on particular lots (such as open space, residential, agricultural, commercial or industrial), the densities at which those activities can be performed (from low-density housing such as single family homes to high-density such as high-rise apartment buildings), the height of buildings, the amount of space structures may occupy, the location of a building on the lot (setbacks), the proportions of the types of space on a lot (for example, how much landscaped space and how much paved space), and how much parking must be provided. The details of how individual planning systems incorporate zoning into their regulatory regimes varies though the intention is always similar.
For example, in the state of Victoria, Australia, land use zones are combined with a system of planning scheme overlays to account for the multiplicity of factors that impact on desirable urban outcomes in any location.
Most zoning systems have a procedure for granting variances (exceptions to the zoning rules), usually because of some perceived hardship caused by the particular nature of the property in question.
Types of residential zones would be R1 for single-family homes, R2 for two-family homes, and R3 for multiple-family homes.
Types
Zoning codes have evolved over the years as urban planning theory has changed, legal constraints have fluctuated, and political priorities have shifted.[1] The various approaches to zoning can be divided into four broad categories: Euclidean, Performance, Incentive, and Design-based.
Euclidean
Named for the type of zoning code adopted in the town of Euclid, Ohio, Euclidean zoning codes are by far the most prevalent in the United States, used extensively in small towns and large cities alike. Also known as "Building Block" zoning, Euclidean zoning is characterized by the segregation of land uses into specified geographic districts and dimensional standards stipulating limitations on the magnitude of development activity that is allowed to take place on lots within each type of district. Typical types of land-use districts in Euclidean zoning are: residential (single-family), residential (multi-family), commercial, and industrial.
Uses within each district are usually heavily prescribed to exclude other types of uses (residential districts typically disallow commercial or industrial uses). Some "accessory" or "conditional" uses may be allowed in order to accommodate the needs of the primary uses. Dimensional standards apply to any structures built on lots within each zoning district, and typically take the form of setbacks, height limits, minimum lot sizes, lot coverage limits, and other limitations on the building envelope.
Euclidean zoning is utilized by some municipalities because of its relative effectiveness, ease of implementation (one set of explicit, prescriptive rules), long-established legal precedent, and familiarity to planners and design professionals.
However, Euclidean zoning has received heavy criticism for its lack of flexibility and institutionalization of now-outdated planning theory (see below).
Performance
Also known as "Effects-based planning", Performance Zoning uses performance-based or goal-oriented criteria to establish review parameters for proposed development projects in any area of a municipality. Performance zoning often utilizes a "points-based" system whereby a property developer can apply credits toward meeting established zoning goals through selecting from a 'menu' of compliance options (some examples include: mitigation of environmental impacts, providing public amenities, building affordable housing units, etc.). Additional discretionary criteria may also be established as part of the review process.
The appeal of Performance Zoning lies in its high level of flexibility, rationality, transparency and accountability. Performance Zoning avoids the arbitrary nature of the Euclidian approach, and better accommodates market principles and private property rights with environmental protection. However, performance zoning can be extremely difficult to implement and can require a high level of discretionary activity on the part of the supervising authority.
Incentive
First implemented in Chicago and New York City, incentive zoning is intended to provide a reward-based system to encourage development that meets established urban development goals. Typically, a base level of prescriptive limitations on development will be established and an extensive list of incentive criteria will be established for developers to adopt or not at their discretion. A reward scale connected to the incentive criteria provides an enticement for developers to incorporate the desired development criteria into their projects.
Common examples include FAR (floor-area-ratio) bonuses for affordable housing provided on-site and height limit bonuses for the inclusion of public amenities on-site.
Incentive zoning allows for a high degree of flexibility, but can be complex to administer. The more a proposed development takes advantage of incentive criteria, the more closely it has to be reviewed on a discretionary basis. The initial creation of the incentive structure in order to best serve planning priorities can also be challenging and often requires extensive ongoing revision to maintain balance between incentive magnitude and value given to developers.
Form-based
Form-based zoning relies on rules applied to development sites according to both prescriptive and potentially discretionary criteria. These criteria are typically dependent on lot size, location, proximity, and other various site- and use-specific characteristics.
Design-based codes offer considerably more flexibility in building uses than do Euclidean codes, but, as they are comparatively new, may be more challenging to create. When form-based codes do not contain appropriate illustrations and diagrams, they have been criticized as being difficult to interpret.
One example of a recently adopted code with design-based features is the Land Development Code adopted by Louisville, Kentucky in 2003. This zoning code creates "form districts" for Louisville Metro. Each form district intends to recognize that some areas of the city are more suburban in nature, while others are more urban. Building setbacks, heights, and design features vary according to the form district. As an example, in a "traditional neighborhood" form district, a maximum setback might be 15 feet from the property line, while in a suburban "neighborhood" there may be no maximum setback.
Zoning in USA
Zoning regulations fall under the police power rights state governments may exercise over private real property.
Origins and history
Special laws and regulations were long made, restricting the places where particular businesses should be carried on. In the 1860s a specific State statute prohibited all commercial activities along Eastern Parkway (Brooklyn), setting a trend for future decades.
In 1916, New York City adopted the first zoning regulations to apply city-wide as a reaction to construction of The Equitable Building (which still stands at 120 Broadway). The building towered over the neighboring residences, completely covering all available land area within the property boundary, blocking windows of neighboring buildings and diminishing the availability of sunshine for the people in the affected area. These laws, written by a commission headed by Edward Bassett and signed by Mayor John Purroy Mitchel, became the blueprint for zoning in the rest of the country, partly because Bassett headed the group of planning lawyers which wrote The Standard State Zoning Enabling Act that was accepted almost without change by most states. The effect of these zoning regulations on the shape of skyscrapers was famously illustrated by architect and illustrator Hugh Ferriss.
The constitutionality of zoning ordinances was upheld in 1926. The zoning ordinance of Euclid, Ohio was challenged in court by a local land owner on the basis that restricting use of property violated the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. Though initially ruled unconstitutional by lower courts, the zoning ordinance was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.[3].
By the late 1920s most of the nation had developed a set of zoning regulations that met the needs of the locality.
New York City went on to develop ever more complex set of zoning regulations, including floor-area ratio regulations, air rights and others according to the density-specific needs of the neighborhoods.
Among large populated cities in the United States, Houston is unique in having no zoning ordinances. Houston voters have rejected efforts to implement zoning in 1948, 1962 and 1993.
See also
Activity centre
Context theory
Form-based codes
Inclusionary zoning
Mixed-use development
New urbanism
Nonconforming Use
Planning permission
Spot zoning
Police power
Principles of Intelligent Urbanism
Reverse sensitivity
Road
Statutory planning
Subdivision (land)
Traffic
Variance (land use)
NIMBY
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